22 March 2009

Union boss wins injunction

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Union boss wins injunction

THE NEWS

A union boss living in self-imposed exile in Canada has won an injunction against his apprehension, the mining union said in a Sunday press release.

Napoleón Gómez Urrutia fled to Canada in 2006 to avoid arrest on charges of fraud and embezzlement, but a decision by a panel of judges in Mexico City has granted an injunction against three apprehension orders that previously had been issued by courts in the capital and in Sonora.

Gómez Urrutia was alleged to have improperly dissolved a $55 trust fund that was created after the privatization of the Cananea copper mine in Sonora. Dissidents in a Chihuahua-based cooperative allege that they did not grant permission for the union to dissolve the trust fund on their behalf and say that the money has been mismanaged.

The mining union denies the allegations and says that the money can be accounted for.

Mexican officials in February asked for the extradition of Gómez Urrutia, who has received support while living in Vancouver with his family from the United Steelworkers Canada and the left-wing New Democratic Party.

The union alleges that the government has been carrying out a revenge campaign against Gómez Urrutia on behalf of mining giant Grupo México, owner of the Cananea mine, where a strike has dragged on since July 30, 2007. Grupo México has rejected any claims of revenge.

Two senior union officials said to be close Gómez Urrutia collaborators were arrested in December. Juan Linares was arrested in Michoacán on charges related to the trust fund, while Carlos Pavón was arrested for the alleged extortion of a smelter operator in Coahuila state. Both men maintain their innocence. Pavón has been released on bail.

UPDATE: The Attorney General's Office, or PGR, released a statement saying that Gómez Urrutia is still a fugitive and that the apprehension order used to seek his extradition was not among the three that the union leader won injunctions against.

For PAN, win would restore pride, power

PAN big shots

For PAN, win would restore pride, power

BY DAVID AGREN
The News

The National Action Party suffered through a miserable 2008, performing terribly in the five states that held local elections. But that hardly deterred PAN president Germán Martínez from going on the offensive and predicting a reversal of fortune in 2009, when the country holds midterm elections and six governor's offices are up for grabs. The turnaround, he said, would include victory in Nuevo León.

"I don't have the slightest doubt that we're going to recapture Nuevo León," he told reporters in December.

"The PAN is going to return to governing Nuevo León, and this nightmare of a local government that [the state] is suffering through will only be a historical footnote."

On July 5, Nuevo León voters will prove Martínez right or wrong. But the PAN president has repeatedly signaled that his party is betting heavily on taking back the northern state from the incumbent Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI.

The PAN faces a stern test in Nuevo León and has done itself few favors since Martínez first predicted electoral success.

For weeks, the party has been bickering over candidate nominations for elections in several key municipalities as well as the gubernatorial race. And a slumping economy - which is hurting the governing party in national polls, too - also threatens to dent PAN prospects in Nuevo León.

"They're probably not going to do so well in the [nationwide midterm] elections," said Jeffrey Weldon, a political science professor at ITAM. "But [PAN] can claim a moral victory if they win back a state."

The PRI captured Nuevo León in 2003 under similar economic circumstances to those today. That year, the centrist party took advantage of a troubled economy and a less-than-powerful rival to claim the governor's office and victory in the federal midterm elections.

But PRI Gov. Natividad González has since drawn underwhelming job performance reviews. He has taken a particular beating for his handling of security issues, said University of Monterrey political science professor Jose Luis Berlanga Santos. And in 2006, the PAN leveraged increasing concerns over rising insecurity in Nuevo León - and PRI divisions over presidential candidate Roberto Madrazo - to claim a majority in the state legislature.

Public opinion surveys showed continuing dissatisfaction with the PRI during the second half of González's administration due to a rash of drug-related killings in 2007 and the state's notoriety for auto theft and bank robbery.

"The governor has been viewed as weak," Berlanga Santos said. "Both [the economy and security] are the main issues, but here, people are definitely worried more about security."

TIGHT RACE

Still, public opinion polls show a narrowing of voter preference over the past six months. A February poll in the newspaper El Norte put the race in a statistical dead heat with 37 percent backing PRI candidate Rodrigo Medina and 35 percent opting for PAN candidate Sen. Fernando Elizondo Barragón. As a result, politicians from both sides have been hesitant to predict victory.

"It's very competitive," Nuevo León PAN Deputy Cristián Castaño told The News. "If the PRI boasts that it's going to win, that's wrong. If the PAN boasts that it's going to win, that's also wrong."

The unveiling of the candidates in February failed to sway public opinion, making it likely that campaign performance and party unity will decide the election.

STAYING UNITED

Unity has been elusive in Nuevo León for the PAN and to a lesser degree, the PRI.

The PAN originally split over the prospect of forming a coalition with the New Alliance party. (No deal was ever reached.)

The national PAN leadership then bypassed the primary election process and tapped Elizondo, a 60-year-old former interim governor, as the one and only candidate.

The three rival candidates for the PAN nomination scorned the process, but fell silent after the announcement.

Some have defended the process, which critics have compared to the old ways of the PRI.

Castaño, for instance, said that the selection process was necessary, in part, due to flaws in the PAN membership list. Analysts, meanwhile, say that the party mostly likely wanted to avoid the possibility of polemic Monterrey Mayor Adalberto Madero winning the nomination.

The PRI, by comparison, experienced less conflict in selecting a candidate. The party opted for Medina after the local PRI leadership brokered a deal. The party, according to PRI Nuevo León Deputy Francisco Rivera Bedoya, also wanted a young candidate. Medina is just 36, but he has already held the No. 2 position in González's administration.

Possibly the only internal PRI spat to go public was a dispute between several unions over the divvying up of candidates for municipal races outside of the Monterrey area.

With the race currently so tight, analysts say that the party that keeps a lid on internal conflict will most likely win. This applies particularly to the PAN, they say.

"The key for the PAN is to make sure that they don't split between now and the election," Weldon said.

17 March 2009

Gay mayoral hope wants to reveal and repair rifts in city

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Gay mayoral hope wants to reveal and repair rifts in city

BY DAVID AGREN
The News

GUADALAJARA - Nomination battles within the nation's small parties seldom generate much excitement. But Miguel Galán has defied that trend by vying for a spot on the mayoral ballot as an openly gay candidate in Guadalajara, Jalisco, one of the country's most conservative cities.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, the 31-year-old's bid to take the mayor's office in a city known for its conservative Catholic politics has captured the attention of national newspapers and foreign media outlets. He is, after all, trying to become the first openly gay mayor in the country's history. But Galán insists his aspirations to govern Mexico's second-largest city go beyond championing issues important to the gay community.

"I'm not going to govern for just the gay community," Galán said while breaking from his campaign for the Social Democratic Party, or PSD, nomination in Guadalajara last weekend. "But I'm not going to forget it."

Mexican electoral campaigns traditionally have overlooked the gay community, which itself is said to be disparate in its partisan leanings and shy about venturing into the political arena. And few politicians or parties outside of Mexico City court the gay vote, or take up issues specific to the gay populace.

Galán recognizes the long odds. The conservative National Action Party, or PAN, has governed Guadalajara and Jalisco for the past 14 years and the Catholic Church wields enormous social influence there.

Galán, who was named the PSD candidate on Friday, will represent a party that only recently emerged from massive internal strife on the national level and is engaged in a struggle to pass the minimum-vote threshold in the July 5 elections that is necessary to maintain its registration with electoral authorities.

Galán's strategy, he says, will be to capitalize on the softening social attitudes in Guadalajara, which for all of its fame as a bastion of Catholic and conservative attitudes, is also home to a sizable gay community and many members of other religious sects. And Galán insists that Guadalajara as a whole is moving beyond many of its old stereotypes.

"Of course, we have this reputation, but in a city like Guadalajara . with more than 5 million people [in the metropolitan area], we can't say any longer that it's a conservative city," Galán said over iced tea and cigarettes on the patio of a popular café in the Colonia Americana, a leafy neighborhood where the gay community has a noticeable presence.

"It's a city that in many ways is cosmopolitan. There's every type of thinking, there's every kind of ideology - and liberals are continually gaining ground."

Galán confesses to bringing little political experience to his mayoral bid - he only joined the PSD within the past two months - but he does bring idealism and a background of fighting for social causes.

Originally trained as a helicopter pilot, he said that he wanted to use his skills to save dolphins from the nets of tuna fishermen, but became sidetracked with other projects.

Those projects included the founding of an Internet radio station for the gay community and later a gay-focused program on the University of Guadalajara's radio station. Galán also worked in the culture department of the municipal government - which now sponsors ancillary events at the city's annual gay pride parade - and was involved in launching a newspaper on women's issues.

Galán says that his "red socialist blood" came from his grandfather, who fought on the Republican side of the Spanish Civil War. He cites Spanish President José Luis Zapatero as a political hero on account of his liberalization agenda, which included a gay marriage initiative that passed.

Galán's interest in politics only grew stronger after the 2006 campaign of Patricia Mercado, who successfully courted the gay vote for Alternativa, as the PSD was previously known.

Like Mercado - who renounced her PSD membership last fall - Galán speaks more of issues like minority rights and equality than bread-and-butter municipal political issues like roads and sewers.

And in Guadalajara, he sees inequality in many places, including the way that more municipal money is spent on the wealthier west side of the city - where he resides in a neighborhood known for rosebushes lining the streets - than the working-class east side.

"If you go to the east side . you won't find one park in [good conditions] of security, cleanliness, and upkeep," he said. Even worse, he said, for every 12 trees on the west side, there's only one in eastern Guadalajara. On the east side of the divide, pollution from cement plants, winter bonfires and brick ovens produces air quality levels worse than those in Mexico City.

"If we all pay the same taxes, we should get exactly the same services," he said.

If elected, he promises to "review . and eliminate all discriminatory laws," and open City Hall for dialogue between groups that seldom come together - or even venture across the Calzada de la Independencia, a roadway that slices the city in two.

"At this moment, the rich fear the poor and vice versa, the poor fear the rich," Galán said. "No one is communicating with each other."

IS GUADALAJARA READY?

How Galán's message of tolerance and dialogue will be received is uncertain. Equally uncertain is if Guadalajara is ready for a gay mayor.

Activists in the gay community and political observers express differing opinions over the matter.

"The image people have of Jalisco is somewhat incorrect," said political science professor Joaquín Galindo Díaz of the University of Guadalajara, who agrees that changing social values work in the favor of Galán's candidacy. "Half of the population is conservative, but the other half, no."

That other half includes a gay community whose presence is visible and whose reputation is well-known outside western Mexico.

A 2003 survey in the local newspaper Mural found more gay-oriented businesses in Jalisco - split equally between Guadalajara and Puerto Vallarta, a long-time destination for gay tourists - than any other jurisdiction in the country.

And just last year, a 90 million peso donation by the Jalisco government toward the construction of a massive Catholic temple in the Guadalajara suburb of Tlaquepaque generated a record number of human rights complaints and spurred so many streets protests that the money was returned.

Others speak less enthusiastically about social change in Guadalajara, however. Aarón Díaz, who works with a health organization that runs a monthly HIV-testing clinic, said that the city is only marginally more tolerant than it was two decades ago. Back then, a conference that was set to be held by an international gay organization was hounded out of town, and the office of one gay advocacy group was even attacked with Molotov cocktails.

"Guadalajara has a reputation for double standards," Díaz said, adding, "the gay community itself is very conservative."

Díaz doesn't think the city is ready for a gay mayor. Others concur.

"This city is very Catholic . [and] not ready for a candidate like that" said Lili Ceja, who has been promoting PAN mayoral candidate Jorge Salinas in Guadalajara.

Still, at least some average citizens seem willing to take a chance on a candidate like Galán.

"Maybe he would be a little less worse than the other [politicians]," said taco stand waiter Mario Becerra.

21 February 2009

On third anniversary, mine tragedy political

Grupo México protest banner

BY DAVID AGREN
The News

Unionized miners marked the third anniversary of a mine disaster that claimed 65 lives with a boisterous rally at union headquarters in Mexico City in support of their exiled leader, who is wanted on fraud and embezzlement charges.

On the other side of the capital, a group of widows and relatives of the deceased miners, along with social activists, also gathered on Thursday. But instead of spewing acerbic denunciations, they celebrated a Mass outside the corporate offices of Grupo México, owner of the ill-fated Pasta de Conchos coal mine, which blew up during the early morning hours of Feb. 19, 2006. Another group of relatives also celebrated Mass at the mine in San Juan de Sabinas, Coahuila.

Still, the sentiments expressed by the union and those at the Masses were similar.

"This is the murder of miners," mining union boss Napoleón Gómez Urrutia said from Vancouver, where he has resided for more than two years to avoid apprehension on charges pertaining to the alleged mismanagement of a union trust fund. "Never again will there be another Pasta de Conchos. Never again will they play with the health and lives of miners."

Outside the Grupo México offices in Polanco, Bishop Raúl Vera of Saltillo promised, "We're going to throw [Grupo México president] Germán Larrea out of here," pointing to the office tower.

The union, family members and church-affiliated activists working with relatives of the deceased all demand the same things: The retrieval of 63 bodies still trapped in the mine and a more thorough investigation into the actions of Grupo México. (The company has paid each family 750,000 pesos in compensation. No guilt was admitted.)

Their tactics differ radically, however - and mistrust between the two groups is mutual. A group of family members affiliated with the Diocese of Saltillo and the labor ministry of the Mexican Bishops' Conference accuse the union of only showing interest in Pasta de Conchos as a means of attacking Grupo México and opposing apprehension orders against Gómez Urrutia.

"The only rescue that the union wants is the rescue of Napoleón Gómez," said Cristina Auerbach, a lawyer with the labor ministry of the Mexican bishops' conference. She also expressed skepticism of the union's recent promotion of worker safety. Union officials availed the safety of Pasta de Conchos just 12 days before the disaster.
"Of course there's concern on the part of the mining union for its workers after Pasta de Conchos, but that doesn't excuse their prior responsibilities," she said.

At least one widow, Rosa María Mejía, backed the union leader Thursday. "Napoleón Gómez has always been at our side," she said. But she also reiterated that the pain and frustration of all the widows and relatives of the victims was first and foremost.

"It's a wound that is still open and will only be closed when the bodies of the miners are returned to us," she said.

13 February 2009

Cabinet secretary accuses former president

DAVID AGREN
The News

A Cabinet member on Thursday confirmed that it was indeed his voice on a recording that revealed him saying that a former president had stolen half of the budget of a now-defunct federal fund, but that he has no proof to back up what he had said.

In tape conversation released Thursday on a radio morning show, Communications and Transportation Secretary Luis Téllez said that former President Carlos Salinas took half of the "partida secreta," a budgetary allotment that could be spent at the president's discretion.

"What appears on the tape is what I said to a group of friends at a casual meal, and I said it in an improper manner since I didn't have any thing to support it," Tellez said at a Thursday press conference.

"I have never had any evidence of illicit actions by former President Carlos Salinas."

Téllez added that he had been threatened with the prospect of the comments being made public by a journalist he did not name, who had wanted his cooperation on a book project. The journalist was identified by media outlets as Diana Pando.

On the tape, Téllez can reportedly be heard saying: "In the case of Salinas, half of the secret account was stolen. He did many things. [Former President José] López Portillo wrecked the country, [and] at the end, Salinas [did] too."

The revelations sparked outrage and indignation in Congress on Thursday. Some lawmakers demanded that Téllez resign, or at least take leave until an investigation has been carried out. Others spoke sarcastically of the secretary's past as a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI.

"Téllez knows a lot, without any doubt, said Javier González Garza, the leader of the Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD, in the Chamber of Deputies. "Do you think that [the fund] was robbed? I believe so."

The PRD has alleged that Salinas stole the 1988 election from them and that the former president carried out a persecution campaign against the PRD around that time. Téllez served as an agriculture undersecretary in the Salinas administration, and was later campaign coordinator in 1994 for then-presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo. He subsequently served as an advisor to Zedillo in Los Pinos and later as Energy Secretary.

Some analysts describe relations between the Salinas and Zedillo camps as strained.

"Salinas will look on [the tape] as another betrayal by the Zedillo clan," said ITAM political science professor Federico Estévez.

"Téllez would have been in a position to know … what the finances were during the last year of the Salinas administration," he said.

08 February 2009

Rising from ruin

submerged swingset

BY DAVID AGREN
The News

CHAPALA, Jal. - The Titanic sets sail from the main pier in this municipality on the north shore of the country's largest lake, taking passengers on excursions to nearby Scorpion Island.

But earlier this decade, boarding the 12-person "lancha" - as such boats are locally known - wasn't easy. A precipitous decline in Lake Chapala's water level left the shoreline far away from the pier. Passengers had to board buses just to reach the departure point. Few bothered to show up, recalls Titanic captain Ramón Montes.

Today, however, he says he's making more trips than ever - at 200 pesos a boatload - thanks to a recovery in Lake Chapala's water level.

"There are at least 10 times as many passengers as there were six years ago," he said while docking at the Chapala pier. Within five minutes, his lancha filled up, and he was off to Scorpion Island again.

Six years ago, Lake Chapala was drying up - the lake's volume had receded to less than 20 percent of its capacity. The situation was so serious that some locals feared the level would never completely return to normal. Some in the ex-pat population fretted about low water levels hurting local property values; others who work in tourism and fishing figured their livelihoods would never bounce back.

"All you'd ever hear was that [Lake] Chapala is dying," said innkeeper Michael Eager, whose family runs La Nueva Posada in Ajijic, a village in the Lake Chapala area.

But some refused to give up on their lake. A local advocacy group organized events such as "hands around the lake," participated in forums and raised awareness. Politicians, too, promised action - in 2006, presidential candidates Felipe Calderón and Andrés Manuel López Obrador said that they would save the lake - but little concrete action was taken. That fueled conspiracy theories of unscrupulous politicians deliberately starving the lake to make other public works projects more saleable.

Other residents ignored politician's promises, and looked instead to divine intervention. Local Catholics pleaded with a revered local religious icon to save the lake; the indigenous Huichol, who consider Scorpion Island the southernmost point of their territory, said one of their gods was angry.

Then, almost serendipitously, the lake started filling up. In 2003, the water level climbed more than three meters during the annual rainy season. It continued climbing in subsequent rainy seasons, as upstream dams were unable to hoard any more water and spilled excess toward Lake Chapala. In 2008 alone, the water level rose more than two meters and swelled to more than 80 percent of full capacity.

UPS AND DOWNS

Locals haven't forgotten just how grim the Lake Chapala situation was just a decade ago.

With the shoreline receding, farmers invaded the dried-up lake bed, using the land to plant crops ranging from agave to zucchinis. They built fences around their fields and dug wells. Some even raised cattle on what once was lake. Locals still tell stories of baseball diamonds, racetracks and playgrounds being built.

The number of tourist visits also dropped along with the water level, especially in the town of Chapala, located 40 kilometers south of Guadalajara.

"The lake was completely forgotten," said Eager, whose business is now usually full of customers from the Guadalajara area.

Extreme fluctuations in water levels are nothing new for Lake Chapala, which is mainly fed by the Lerma River. The most recent crisis was not even the worst fluctuation, according to the National Water Commission, or Conagua. The water level dropped to barely 17 percent of its normal capacity in 1955. But just three years later, it recovered to the point that water splashed over the Chapala pier and flooded the local parish, famed for its twin spires.

"There have always been ups and downs," said Eugenio García, Conagua spokesman in Guadalajara. "When the Chapala [water levels] fall, it's due to hydrological cycles."

Environmental groups and scientists partially agree, but they blame many of the lake's woes on issues beyond capricious weather patterns.

Unseemly political maneuvering by Jalisco and federal lawmakers is one bone of contention, as is water management along the Lerma River, which flows from the State of Mexico through five states before emptying into Lake Chapala.

Problems upstream in the water basin are said to be rife. Agricultural and industrial users have been accused of having priority over those who live downstream in the villages by Lake Chapala. Upstream farmers are said to withdraw vast quantities of water for irrigating crops that include corn, sorghum and strawberries, while agricultural runoff pollutes the river. Discharge from industrial operations in the State of Mexico and Guanajuato - home to a refinery - add to the contamination, say environmental groups and scientists.

(Pemex says its Guanajuato refinery is no longer polluting the Lerma River.)

Further complicating matters, they say that more than 3,000 dams in the basin were hoarding water, mainly for agricultural users. State and local governments have also bickered over sharing water.

But García said the upstream situation changed earlier this decade with the signing of a water-sharing agreement by the federal government and the governors of the State of Mexico, Querétaro, Guanajuato, Michoacán and Jalisco.

In years prior, García said that the dams would routinely hold back any additional water beyond the amount that had been authorized by Conagua, but the new agreement mandates that any excess be sent onward toward Chapala.

Still, many academics and environmental groups dismiss the government's role in rescuing Lake Chapala. Some say that the main Lerma River dams were filled, and thus couldn't hoard any more of the runoff from heavy precipitation in the basin.

"It was nothing more than heavy rains," said Alicia Córdova, an adviser to Amigos del Lago, a lake advocacy group. "There were [water-sharing] agreements, but they weren't respected."

The University of Guadalajara's Manuel Guzmán, one of the foremost experts on Lake Chapala, blames the recent water-level problems on politicians attempting to create an "artificial crisis." Guzmán alleges that the Jalisco and federal governments attempted to starve Lake Chapala of water so that a new dam on the Santiago River - which drains the lake - could be built to supply the Guadalajara area with a more dependable source of drinking water. (The Guadalajara metropolitan area depends on Lake Chapala for most of its drinking water.)

"In 2000 and 2002 there were ... torrential rains for filling the lake, but the water wasn't allowed to reach Lake Chapala," he said, adding that recovery only really began after uncertainty over the construction of the dam diminished.

DIVINE INTERVENTION?

Whatever the exact reasons for the rebound, the rise in water levels caught many by surprise. The water level rose so quickly in 2008 that farmers reportedly tried using canoes to salvage their floating crops. One ejido to the east of Chapala had 400 hectares of farmland swallowed by the rising waters. In the community of San Juan Cosala, parts of a new waterfront development built by the municipal government - but built too low - were flooded out.

The rising water also flooded out a soccer pitch and playground near the Ajijic shoreline, where fisherman Toño López docks his boat. Today, goalposts, a swing set and several trees poke out from the water. Farmers who grew crops on the lake bed were also flooded out.

López has no idea where the farmers who swooped in when water levels declined originally came from, or where they went. But he vividly recalls them trying to board canoes last summer in an attempt to salvage their suddenly waterlogged crops. "The rising water completely caught them by surprise," he said.

López said underwater obstacles - fence posts and barbwire left by the farmers, for instance - still present boating hazards. But he's not complaining; he's more than doubled his daily catch of "tilapia" and "charales."

Like many in the area, he once thought the source of his livelihood was going to disappear.

"No one knew if the water would return - only God," he said.

The religious groups who once pleaded for divine intervention certainly credit what they asked for.

Catholics in the area are currently contemplating honoring the Virgin of Zapopan with the title "Queen of Lake Chapala" for answering their prayers. The Huichols, meanwhile, regularly return for ceremonies at their sacred body of water.

But some residents remain cautious about Lake Chapala's comeback. Córdova, the Amigos del Lago adviser, said that pollution in the lake remains a serious concern, for instance.

"There are still many challenges," she said.

06 February 2009

Tomato King, R.I.P.

Cancer claims politician known as 'Tomato King'

BY DAVID AGREN
The News

Andrés Bermúdez Viramontes, a federal deputy from Zacatecas and millionaire inventor best known as the "Tomato King," died of cancer Thursday at age 58.

The Chamber of Deputies honored the Tomato King with the lusty shout, "Tiempo!" ("time"), a tribute to one of the country's less sophisticated politicians who was known for hollering during legislative sessions, refusing to remove his cowboy hat and picking his nose in public.

"This singular person from our legislature generated a memory in each and every one of us," Chamber of Deputies Speaker César Duarte said.

The Tomato King created many memories during nearly a decade in Mexican politics, perhaps nowhere more so than in Zacatecas and his hometown of Jerez, a tidy burg in the central highlands.

RAGS TO RICHES

In the mid-1970s, Bermúdez left his hometown of Jerez with his pregnant wife and stole across the U.S. border in the trunk of a car. Bermúdez soon found work in a Los Angeles suitcase factory but hated it and headed for California's fields. It was there that he would strike it rich, inventing a tomato-planting device.

He never forgot Jerez, however. He returned in 2001 and successfully ran for mayor under the banner of the Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD. But he never took office; state electoral officials ruled that he failed to meet residency requirements.

Undeterred, Bermúdez successfully lobbied for a change in the state electoral laws. His proposal was popular in Zacatecas, which is said to have more former residents living in Los Angeles than it does Zacatecanos in the state capital.

In 2004, Bermúdez ran for mayor again, but this time with the National Action Party, or PAN. (The PRD opted against nominating him.) He won again in a victory hailed by many political observers as the beginning of a wave of migrants-made-good who would return with money and north-of-the-border sensibilities.

Bermúdez promised to turn Jerez into a little United States and "get the scoundrels out of city hall," according to some locals.

But soon, critics emerged. Some said he fell into the same vices of his predecessors. Rumors surfaced that he had traded prostitutes for votes, was packing City Hall with relatives and threatening journalists. One local politician even alleged that Bermúdez won the election by promising to sow the fields with tomatoes.

Bermúdez failed to finish his term - but of his own accord, not because of the rumors.

He successfully ran for the Chamber of Deputies, where he quickly captured attention for his attire - as a tribute to a deceased relative, he always wore black cowboy clothing, a cowboy hat, cowboy boots and thick gold chains - and colorful outbursts.

In one particularly sarcastic bite, he promised to take skeptics of the legitimacy of the 2006 election outcome to Disneyland "so that they can fulfill their dreams and declare Andrés Ma- nuel López Obrador or Mickey Mouse president ... whoever they want."

The Tomato King - he never abandoned the handle, even in Congress - served as president of the Population, Border and Migration Matters Committee, but was never fully embraced by the PAN. His candor and off-the-cuff style made him a liability in the eyes of some party officials.

But the clothing, comments and uncouth gestures were all what helped make the Tomato King an unforgettable figure.